Tickets for Back-to-Africa
Crosstarlist
Cable television-producer Rachael
Dawson has embarked on a documentary about "reparations," the notion
that Negroes should be paid because their ancestors had been slaves.
The New York Times recently interviewed Richard Barrett on
"reparations," in which Barrett stated that the focus should be on
West Africa, where Negroes had been enslaved by their own people. "Let
the descendants of the tribal chieftains pay the descendants of their
own slaves," quipped Barrett. The newspaper killed the story.
Whites, of course, had been slaves,
themselves, in ancient Greece and Rome, and many served as indentured
servants in colonial America under British rule. But there has been no
hew-and-cry for whites to be accorded "reparations" from Greece, Italy
or England, largely because whites consider themselves
self-sufficient. In fact, opinion polls have indicated that Americans
stand overwhelmingly opposed to the entire "reparations'" scheme.
However, there have been rumblings about what role, if any,
"reparations," or some sort of payments, by whatever name or
description, might play in expanding outward immigration to what
Americans call the "Dark Continent" and Negroes term their
"Traditional Homeland."
Nationalists Gerald McManus and
Robert Jackson have volunteered to do the Dawson Project, prompting an
examination of the role which "reparations" might have in repatriation
efforts. While the term "reparations" is distasteful to Americans,
subsidies -- sometimes called "boat tickets" -- to bring about
Back-to-Africa are not and never have been. While "Boat Tickets to
Africa" have been prevalent in everything from "underground" social
activism to cartoons to the brunt of jokes, repatriation is a genuine
and on-going ideal and cause. The slogan, Boating, Not Bussing,
even became a popular protest against the bussing of students into
inner-city schools in order to attempt racial integration.
From the Negro standpoint,
Back-to-Africa is sometimes known as "Pan-Africanism,"
"Afro-Centrism," the "Back-to-Africa Movement," "Black Nationalism,"
"Black Israelism" and, even, "Black Hebrewism." From the white
perspective, it has been characterized as "repatriation,"
"colonization," "Back-to-Africa" and, even, an adjunct of
"reparations." Ironically, repatriation has been called for by staunch
Nationalists and Communists, alike, as well as by all shades of
political color in between.
"Back-to-Africa" has been poignant
ever since the Negroes were brought to America, largely on slave ships
owned by Dutch and Portugese Jews, who reaped enormous profits from
the enterprise. The popular bumper sticker, If I Knew Then What I
Know Now, I Would Have Picked My Own Cotton, points up the boiling
cauldron of frustration over what has lately become the Africanization
of America. Rampant reproduction, subsidies and favoritism, borne out
of rioting and civil-disobedience during the Sixties and fueled by the
pandering of the likes of John F. Kennedy, Lyndon Johnson and Bill
Clinton, have escalated minorities from being just an irritant to
being a threat to the nation.
Jefferson's warnings
Thomas Jefferson said, matter of
factly, that Negroes could never live under the same government as
white people. The Dred Scott decision of the United States Supreme
Court detailed how persons of African descent were never intended to
be part of the body-politic and were forever excluded from
participation of citizenship. Even the "Great Emancipator," Abraham
Lincoln, was said to have favored eventual Back-to-Africa.
The American Colonization Society,
which worked feverishly toward repatriation, had many prominent
patriots as members, during the Revolutionary War period, including
Francis Scott Key. Even Abolitionism, at the time of the Civil War,
did not particularly conflict with the repatriation objective.
President Ulysses S. Grant, the Union Civil-War general, proposed --
not once but twice -- legislation to repatriate Negroes (freed slaves
and other "persons of color") to Haiti. The bills were narrowly
defeated in the Congress. Grant insisted that Haiti could accommodate
fifteen million Negroes, more than the entire Negro population of
America, at the time.
The country of Liberia, established
by President James Monroe, was set up specifically as a terminus of
freed slaves returning to Africa and approved overwhelmingly by the
Congress. The capital, Monrovia, is named for the American President
who not only gave us the Monroe Doctrine, to free America from
European intervention, but the Back-to-Africa plan, to free the nation
from African occupation. Liberia, to this day, maintains a traditional
welcome for repatriated Negroes and its very name was conjured up to
appeal to those coming out from under White, Anglo-Saxon, Protestant
(WASP) rule in America.
Repatriation, also, gained momentum
through such spokesmen as Senators Ben "Pitchfork" Tillman of South
Carolina and Theo. G. "The Man" Bilbo of Mississippi. Bilbo had
collected an astounding three-million petition signatures of Negroes
desiring Back-to-Africa, in the period following World War II. His
book, Take Your Choice, Separation or Mongrelization, became a
best-seller in the Forties and Fifties.
During World War I, Negro Henry
Turner, also known as the "Black Moses," founded his own
"Back-to-Africa" Movement, as he called it, which had a significant
following. Turner was succeeded by Negro Marcus Garvey, during the
Twenties, who gained even more adherents through his UNIA (Universal
Negro Improvement Association). Garvey formed the "Black Star Lines,"
a steamship company established to transport Negroes back to Africa.
Many descendants of slaves actually returned under Garvey's auspices.
Even self-avowed Negro communists,
such as WEB DuBois, a "founder" of the NAACP, and Stokeley Carmichael,
founder of the "Black-Power" movement, returned, themselves, to
Africa, where they died, all the while urging other Negroes to follow
them back to Africa, which they described in glowing terms as their
"motherland," "traditional homeland" or "womb-land."
Tax-protests
Mark Watts, founder of The
Nationalist Movement, has, also, been a strong proponent of
Back-to-Africa, as has Negro Robert Brock, a speaker for the Pace
Amendment Committee. Brock, himself, has been an instigator of various
"reparations'" tax-protests. The Crosstar website, as well as many
others, touts the Back-to-Africa line and has critically -- though
sometimes even favorably -- examined "reparations" as part of a
repatriation program.
Talk-Show Host Phil Donahue has
interviewed Negroes who have been in the process of returning to
Africa. They have suggested that America will save money, as well as
social conflict, as Negroes relinquish claims to Social Security,
welfare and other payouts by returning to Africa. The British National
Party, which has maintained talks with Negroes desiring to be
repatriated from England to Africa, was promoted in America by Mark
Cotterill. The late Lady Jane Birdwood, a renown Nationalist elder
stateswoman, was a major proponent of Back-to-Africa from her London
residence, until her death recently at 94.
David Duke had conducted
Back-to-Africa confabs with Negroes calling themselves "Black
Nationalists." Negress Audley "Queen Mother" Moore, a follower of
Garvey who dubbed herself a so-called "Black Nationalist," preached
the Back-to-Africa doctrine from her Harlem residence up until her
death recently at 98. Various Negroes, such as former New-York mayor
David Dinkins, credited Moore for being their "inspiration."
When large numbers of Negroes were
deployed to Somalia as part of America's ill-fated military
intervention, Nationalist Richard Barrett and Black-Power spokesman
Steve Cokeley separately advocated incentives to keep them there.
Cokeley spoke from the vantage point that "we want out of this racist
country," whereas Barrett proclaimed that repatriation would be "good
for America and uplifting for humanity." Barrett predicted that
"repatriation is inevitable. It is only a question of when."
Author Gregory Krupey, who claims
that reparations might be feasible but only if part of repatriation,
writes that ''a Negro-free America will be the first giant step to
reclaim our stolen heritage." Krupey's slogan is No Black
Reparations Without Black Repatriation. Robert Jackson calls
reparations -- which he prefers to call "travel allotments" --
"useful" in an over-all repatriation agenda.
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