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“It should come as no surprise, then,
that long-time CIA and ‘intelligence complex’ operatives turn up on
the FMSF Advisory Board. Perhaps the most public member has been Dr.
Louis Jolyon ‘Jolly’ West, a legendary figure in CIA mind control
circles operating out of UCLA. Another is Dr. Martin Orne, an
authority on torture who currently works at the University of
Pennsylvania’s Experimental Psychiatry Lab … Still another false
memory luminary is Margaret Singer, professor emeritus at the
University of California-Berkeley.”
Toward Freedom, May 1998
One of the names that surfaced at
the Bonacci trial was that of Michael Aquino, the ‘High Priest’ and
chief executive of the Temple of Set, an overtly satanic cult that
split off from the Church of Satan in 1975. Besides tending to those
duties, Aquino has also been known to occupy his time serving as
(according to his official biography, circulated by the Temple) a
“Lieutenant Colonel, Military Intelligence, U.S.
Army.”
Aquino was identified in court, by
the mother of a victim, as being a key player in a nationwide
pedophile ring. Paul Bonacci himself has also positively identified
Aquino as an associate of King who was known to Bonacci and the rest
of the children only as 'the Colonel.' King's former personal
photographer has identified Aquino as the man to whom he saw King
hand over a suitcase full of cash and bonds. The photographer, Rusty
Nelson, has also said that he was told by King that Aquino was part
of the Contra guns and cocaine trafficking operation run by George
Bush and another notorious Lt. Col. named Oliver North. Aquino has
also been linked to Offutt Air Force Base, a Strategic Air Command
post near Omaha that was implicated in the investigation by the
Franklin Committee (and that was also, strangely enough, where
George W. Bush opted to hide out on the afternoon of September 11,
2001). Aquino was also claimed to have ordered the abduction of a
Des Moines, Iowa paperboy.
This was certainly not the first
time that Aquino had been identified as a key figure in organized
pedophile/child pornography rings. In July 1988, not long before the
King and Spence cases broke, the San Jose Mercury News ran a
lengthy exposé on the Presidio Child Development Center run by the
U.S. Army in San Francisco. Allegations of abuse being perpetrated
at the center first emerged in November 1986. Alarmed by accusations
made by her child, a parent had sought a medical examination that
confirmed that her three-year-old boy had in fact been anally raped.
The boy identified his rapist as 'Mr. Gary,' a teacher at the center
named Gary Hambright. Even with this conclusive medical evidence,
however, “it took the Army almost a month to notify the parents of
other children who had been in 'Mr. Gary's' class that the incident
had taken place.”
Within a year, at least sixty
additional victims had been identified, all between the ages of
three and seven, and further “allegations would be made by parents
that several more children were molested even after the
investigation had begun.” Amazingly enough, the center remained open
for more than a year after the first case of abuse was reported,
although, as noted by the Mercury News, “day care centers
under state jurisdiction are routinely closed when an abuse incident
is confirmed.” And this was considerably more than a simple abuse
incident that had been confirmed. The children told stories that
implicated many other perpetrators in addition to Hambright. They
also told of being taken away from the center to be abused in
private homes; at least three such houses were positively
identified. And they told of being forced to play “poopoo baseball”
and the “googoo” game – 'games' that involved the children being
urinated and defecated upon, and being forced to ingest urine and
feces. Many of the children also spoke of having guns pointed at
them and of being told that they and/or their parents and siblings
would be killed if they told anyone what had been done to
them.
Despite the mounting number of
victim/witnesses, and the numerous crimes alleged by these children,
only one suspect, Gary Hambright, was arrested - on January 5, 1987
- and he was charged with abusing just a single child. Even then the
charges were dismissed just a few months later, in March
1987.
There is little doubt that
literally dozens of children were in fact severely abused at the
center. There undeniably was medical evidence to document that fact.
Five of the children had contracted chlamydia, a sexually
transmitted disease; many others showed clear signs of anal and
genital trauma consistent with violent penetration. Authorities
chose to ignore such evidence. One mother complained to the San
Francisco Chronicle that the FBI never interviewed her or her
son, even after doctors had confirmed the boy’s abuse. In addition
to the medical symptoms, there were psychological symptoms as well.
As The American Journal of Orthopsychiatry noted in April
1992, the “severity of the trauma for children at the Presidio was
immediately manifest in clear cut symptoms. Before the abuse was
exposed, parents had already noticed the following changes in their
children: vaginal discharge, genital soreness, rashes, fear of the
dark, sleep disturbances, nightmares, sexually provocative language,
and sexually inappropriate behavior. In addition, the children were
exhibiting other radical changes in behavior, including temper
outbursts, sudden mood shifts, and poor impulse control. All these
behavioral symptoms are to be expected in preschool children who
have been molested.”
The journal article, written by
Diane Ehrensaft, Ph.D., also noted that the “Presidio case has
confronted both the public at large and the mental health community
with an extraordinary and abhorrent situation of grave psychological
proportions: the willful molestation of young boys and girls by
representatives of the most patriarchal and supposedly protective
arm of the American government – the U.S. Army.” Ehrensaft observed
that a nearly pathological hatred had manifest itself in the fathers
of children abused in this way, particularly as they saw their
children’s cases stonewalled and swept under the rug. One father was
quoted as saying: “When something about the Presidio comes on TV, I
want to blow someone away.” Another father echoed that sentiment: “I
was ready to blow the army base away.”
One of those who the fathers would
have liked to blow away was Michael Aquino. One child positively
identified Aquino and his wife, Lilith (known to the kids as 'Mikey'
and 'Shamby'), and was also able to identify the Aquinos’ private
home and to describe with considerable accuracy the distinctively
satanic interior décor of the house. The young witness claimed to
have been photographed at the Aquinos’ home. On August 14, 1987, a
search warrant was served on the house. Confiscated in the raid were
numerous videotapes, photographs, photo albums, photographic
negatives, cassette tapes, and name and address books. Also observed
was what appeared to be a soundproof room. Neither of the Aquinos
was charged with any crimes, nor have they been to this day – a fact
that Aquino points to as proof of his innocence.
A month after the raid, a fire -
which the Army deemed to be accidental - destroyed the Army
Community Services Building adjacent to the Presidio's daycare
center. Strangely enough, “the fire occurred on the autumnal
equinox, a major event on the satanic calendar,” as the Mercury
News noted. The fire also destroyed some of the Child
Development Center's records. “Three weeks later, fire struck again,
this time at the day care center itself.” A building that housed
four classrooms, one of which was Gary Hambright’s, was completely
destroyed. Investigators from the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and
Firearms determined “both fires, contrary to the Army's finding, had
been arson.” In between the first and second fires (with evidence
indicating that a third arson attempt had been made as well),
Hambright was again indicted, this time charged with molesting ten
children. In February 1988, all but one of the new charges were
dropped. Shortly thereafter, the remaining count was dropped as
well. No further charges were brought against him.
In January 1988, Aquino filed suit
against the Army to have it cleared from his record that he had been
investigated as a suspected pedophile. According to court records,
he also had the gall to charge “Captain Adams-Thompson [the father
of a victim] with conduct unbecoming an officer because the Captain
reported the allegations of child abuse to the San Francisco
police.” In denying Aquino's motion, the court concluded “there was
probable cause to title Aquino with offenses of indecent acts with a
child, sodomy, conspiracy, kidnapping, and false swearing,” despite
the fact that “the San Francisco police department (SFPD) closed its
investigation and filed no charges against the plaintiff or anyone
else.”
Aquino and some of his defenders
have consistently claimed that no one was ever prosecuted in the
case due to a lack of evidence. This is cited as proof that the
entire affair was no more than a ‘witch hunt.’ Of course, the
failure to prosecute the federal charges could have been due to the
fact that, at the time, the U.S. Attorney in San Francisco handling
the case was Joseph Russoniello. Russoniello would later be
identified by reporter Gary Webb (of the San Jose Mercury
News) as a player in the Contra cocaine smuggling operation led
by Lt. Col. Oliver North and company, just as witnesses would later
identify Lt. Col. Michael Aquino as an operative in the very same
sordid affair.
In May 1989, Aquino was again
questioned in connection with child abuse investigations; this time,
at least five children in three cities were making the accusations.
The children had seen Aquino in newspaper and television coverage of
the Presidio case and immediately recognized him as one of their
abusers. Three of the children lived in Ukiah, California, where
Police Chief Fred Keplinger was overseeing the investigation of the
allegations. The Mercury News quoted the chief as saying “the
children are believable. I have no doubt in my mind that something
has occurred.” Aquino was also identified by children in Santa Rosa
and Fort Bragg, California. In the Fort Bragg case, “allegations of
ritual abuse erupted... in 1985 when several children at the
Jubilation Day Care Center said they were sexually abused by a
number of people at the day care center and at several locations
away from the center, including at least two churches.” Aquino was
identified as having been present at one of those
churches.
According to the Mercury
News, there was clear evidence of satanic cult activity on the
grounds of the Presidio base, including an abundance of satanic
graffiti, a satanic altar, and numerous artifacts of satanic
rituals. A former MP at the base told the News “we've got a
cult on the Presidio of San Francisco and nobody cares about it...
We were told by the provost marshal to just forget about it.” On
April 19, 1988, the eve of Adolph Hitler’s birthday, an open house
was held on the grounds of the Presidio heralding the opening of a
new daycare facility built to replace the fire-damaged Child
Development
Center.
Meanwhile, a report in the Marin Independent Journal revealed
that Aquino owned a building in Marin County - inherited from his
mother, Betty Ford-Aquino - that was jointly leased to the Marin
County Child Abuse Council and Project Care for Children. The stated
purpose of Project Care was, interestingly enough, to assist parents
in locating daycare for their children.
As disturbing as the Presidio case
was, it was just one of many ritual abuse cases directly tied to one
or more branches of the United States armed forces. As the
Mercury News reported, “by November, 1987 the Army had
received allegations of child abuse at 15 of its day care centers
and several elementary schools. There were also at least two cases
in Air Force day care centers,” and another in a center run by the
U.S. Navy. In addition, “a special team of experts was sent to
Panama [in June 1988] to help determine if as many as 10 children at
a Department of Defense elementary school had been molested and
possibly infected with AIDS.” Yet another case emerged in a U.S.-run
facility in West Germany.
These cases erupted at some of the
country’s most esteemed military bases, including Fort Dix, Fort
Leavenworth, Fort Jackson, and West Point. Many of those making the
accusations were career military officers who had devoted their
lives to unquestioned allegiance to the U.S. armed forces. Many
would resign their posts in outraged protest.
The West Point case, among others,
was alleged to be linked to the Presidio case. As The Times
Herald Record reported in June 1991, the “incidents [at the West
Point Child Development Center] unfolded against a backdrop of
satanic acts, animal sacrifices and cult-like behavior among the
abusers, whose activities extended beyond the U.S. Military Academy
borders to Orange County and a military base in San Francisco,
parents charged.” The case first broke in July 1984, when a
three-year-old girl found herself in the emergency room of the West
Point Hospital with a lacerated vagina. She told the examining
physician that a teacher at the daycare center had hurt her. The
next month, the parents of another child leveled accusations of
abuse at the center. As the Mercury News reported, “by the
end of the year, 50 children had been interviewed by investigators.
Children at West Point told stories that would become horrifyingly
familiar. They said they had been ritually abused. They said they
had had excrement smeared on their bodies and been forced to eat
feces and drink urine. They said they were taken away from the day
care center and photographed.”
Despite abundant medical and
psychological evidence and literally dozens of child witnesses, and
despite “950 interviews by 60 FBI agents assigned to the
investigation,” the investigation, “led by former U.S. Attorney [and
future mayor] Rudolph Giuliani” produced “no federal grand jury
indictments,” according to the Herald Record. “In 1987,
Giuliani said his detailed investigation showed only one or two
children were abused.” Giuliani’s contention was directly
contradicted by an independent investigation, as the Herald
report divulged: “a still-secret, independent report - produced by
one of the nation's top experts on child sexual abuse - confirms the
children's accusations of abuse.”
This was not the first time that
prestigious West Point had shown an appalling willingness to
overlook military personnel directing extreme levels of abuse at
children. A year before the abuse case broke, a 22-month-old child
was murdered by an Army staff sergeant. The Mercury News
reported that following “a court martial hearing, the sergeant was
given an 18 month suspended sentence and dishonorable discharge.” In
other words, he was essentially given a free ride after murdering a
child. With help from Giuliani, the FBI, the U.S. Army, and the
grand jury, the abusers of dozens of children at the daycare center
(which was, appropriately enough, building number 666 on the academy
grounds) were likewise given a free ride.
As with the Franklin case, the
children and their parents found justice only through the civil
courts. The Herald Record revealed that, in a suit brought by
the parents, “lawyers for both the government and the 11 child
plaintiffs agreed that some children were sexually abused at the
center two years ago.” The government, however, claimed that it
could not be held responsible, due to the “assault exemption in the
Federal Tort Claim Act.” As the New York Times explained,
“under federal law the government cannot be held liable for assaults
committed by its employees and thus cannot be sued for assault.” In
other words, the Army did not dispute the allegations; it just
rather cavalierly maintained that it was exempt from being sued for
what had occurred at one of its daycare centers. The court saw
otherwise, however, and awarded $2.7 million to nine of the child
victims – paltry compensation for their suffering, but a victory of
sorts nonetheless. The Times opined that the settlement
amount “was large for a child-abuse case in which no criminal
charges were filed.” The article claimed that the case was not
pursued because “the Federal Bureau of Investigation found
‘insufficient evidence to prosecute,’” when in fact the Bureau
appears to have deliberately ignored and/or covered-up that
evidence.
And so ended the West Point case,
except that - as one mother noted - it was hardly over: “These
people stole our children. She's nothing like she used to be. She's
a very angry little girl. She doesn't trust anyone. She's nothing
like she was before this happened. It's never going to be over for
them, or for us.” The mother of a Presidio victim had this to say:
“People keep telling us we've got to let it go -- just forget about
it and go on... Three weeks ago, our youngest daughter was having
nightmares and our other daughter was closing out the whole world,
going to her room and sitting there, with no radio, no TV, no
nothing. Tell me it's over.”
“I cannot accept promotion
in a system that at first refused to acknowledge and now refuses to
deal with the victims of extensive child abuse that occurred at the
West Point Child Development Center.”
Army Captain Walter R. Grote,
refusing a promotion to Major in June 1985
REFERENCES: 1. Al-Kurdi, Husayn “Messing With
Our Minds,” Toward Freedom, May 1998 2. Arce, Rose
Marie “Liability in Point Abuse Case Debated,” The Times Herald
Record (Middletown, New York), December 23, 1986 3.
Blood, Linda The New Satanists, Warner Books, 1994
4. Cunningham, Douglas and Alan Snel “A Legacy of Pain:
Settlement Doesn't Ease Abused Children's Fears,” The Times
Herald Record (Middletown, New York), June 11, 1991 5.
DeCamp, John W. The Franklin Cover-Up, AWT, Inc., 1992
6. Ehrensaft, Diane “Preschool Child Sex Abuse: The
Aftermath of the Presidio Case,” The American Journal of
Orthopsychiatry, April 1992 7. Goldston, Linda “Army
of the Night,” San Jose Mercury News, July 24, 1988
8. Goldston, Linda “Satanic Priest Questioned in New Sex
Case,” San Jose Mercury News, May 13, 1989 9. Hays,
Constance L. “$2.7 Million Settles Army Child-Abuse Case,” New
York Times, May 23, 1991 10. Sawyer, Kathy “Army
Doctor Turns Down Promotion; Lax Response to Case of Child Abuse
Cited,” Washington Post, June 25, 1985 11.
Steinberg, Jeffrey “Satanic Subversion of the U.S. Military,”
EIR, July 2, 1999 12. “Army Doctor Refuses
Promotion in Protest,” San Diego Union Tribune, June 25, 1985
13. “The Keys to Hell and Death – Part II,” SFLR
News (the newsletter of San Francisco Liberation Radio), May 21,
2001 14. Michael Aquino v. The Honorable Michael Stone,
Secretary of the Army (Civ. A. No. 90-1547-A), United States
District Court, Alexandria Division, July 1, 1991
(inclusion here does not imply the author's endorsement or
support of other authors on the subject included here.)
See more Dave McGowan at The Center
for Public Information, http://www.davesweb.cnchost.com

This is a crazy world. What can be done? Amazingly, we have
been mislead. We have been taught that we can control government by
voting. The founder of the Rothschild dynasty, Mayer Amschel Bauer,
told the secret of controlling the government of a nation over 200
years ago. He said, "Permit me to issue and control the money of a
nation and I care not who makes its laws." Get the picture? Your
freedom hinges first on the nation's banks and money system. That's
why we advocate using the Liberty Dollar, to understand the monetary
and banking system. Freedom is connected with Debt Elimination for each individual. Not
only does this end personal debt, it places the people first in line
as creditors to the National Debt ahead of the banks. They don't
wish for you to know this. It has to do with recognizing WHO you
really are in A New Beginning: A Practical Course in
Miracles. You CAN take back your power and stop volunteering to pay taxes to the collection
agency for the BEAST. You can take back that which is
yours, always has been yours and use it to pay off your debts. And
you can send others to these pages to discover what you are
discovering.
© 2004, Allen Aslan Heart / White Eagle Soaring of
the Little Shell Pembina Band, a Treaty Tribe of the Ojibwe
Nation. |