Adolf Hitler -
An Overlooked Candidate for the Nobel
Prize
If anyone
deserved the Nobel Peace Prize, it was Adolf Hitler.
Hitler did not want war. World
War II was forced on Germany. Poland was encouraged to attack
Germany by the promises of British Ambassador Sir Howard William
Kennard and French Ambassador Leon Noel. They promised
unconditionally that England and France would come to Poland’s
immediate aid should she need it in case of war with Germany;
therefore, no matter what Poland did to provoke Germany’s attack,
Poland had an assurance from England and France. With this
guarantee, Poland began acting ruthlessly. In addition, Kennard and
Noel flattered Poland into thinking she was a great power. As the
Chinese proverb says, “You can flatter a man to jump off the roof.”
They sabotaged the efforts of those Polish leaders who wanted a
policy of friendship with Germany.1
By Alex S. Perry Jr.
Poland delivered the first blow, and
Hitler announced, “Since dawn today, we are shooting back,” when he
spoke to the Reichstag on Sept ember 1, 1939. “Shooting back” is not
the statement of an aggressor.2 When Hitler attacked,
Donald Day said, Poland got exactly what she deserved. None of
Poland’s immediate neighbors felt sorry for her. Poland had
conducted a policy of terror. Ethnic Germans living on German soil
that had been given to Poland at the end of World War I by the
Versailles Peace Treaty had been so mistreated that 2 million left
the area for Germany and elsewhere.3 They were driven
from what had been their homeland long before World War I. Leon
Degrelle, a young Belgian political leader in the 1930s, and who
later joined Hitler’s hardest fighting unit, the Waffen SS, with
over 400,000 other non-German European volunteers, says, “Of all the
crimes of World War II, one never hears about the wholesale
massacres that occurred in Poland just before the war. Thousands of
German men, women and children were massacred in the most horrendous
fashion by press-enraged mobs. Hitler decided to halt the slaughter
and he rushed to the rescue.”4 Young German boys, when
captured by the Poles, were castrated.5
William Joyce, nicknamed Lord Haw Haw
by British propaganda, became a German citizen and took up for the
German cause. He described the conditions of the Germans who were
living in Poland because of the Versailles Treaty:
German men and women were hunted like
wild beasts through the streets of Bromberg. When they were caught,
they were mutilated and torn to pieces by the Polish mob. . . .
Every day the butchery increased. . . . [T]housands of Germans fled
from their homes in Poland with nothing more than the clothes that
they wore. Moreover, there was no doubt that the Polish army was
making plans for the massacre of Danzig. . . . On the nights of
August 25 to August 31 inclusive, there occurred, besides
innumerable attacks on civilians of German blood, 44 perfectly
authenticated acts of armed violence against German official persons
and property. These incidents took place either on the border or
inside German territory. On the night of [August 31], a band of
Polish desperadoes actually occupied the German Broad casting
Station at Gleiwitz. Now it was clear that unless German troops
marched at once, not a man, woman or child of German blood within
the Polish territory could reasonably expect to avoid persecution
and slaughter.6
Due to Poland’s atrocious acts against
the German people, Hitler declared to British Ambassador Sir Nevile
Henderson on August 25, 1939: “Poland’s provocations have become
intolerable.”7
So Poland delivered the first blow,
not Germany. The first blow was important to the United States in
its war with Japan. It gave the United States the right and
justification to do whatever was necessary to defeat the Japanese.
But Germany did not have this right with Poland even after Poland
had delivered the first blow. What fair-minded man, if he knew the
true facts involved in the Polish situation, could blame Hitler for
his retaliatory attack on Poland? Poland, if any nation ever did,
deserved exactly what Germany gave her in return. But Hitler did not
even want to do what he had to do. No sooner than Hitler began
protecting the German people inside Poland, he was ready to stop all
hostilities and begin peace negotiations. Prince Sturdza narrates:
Only hours after the outbreak of
hostilities between Germany and Poland, Mussolini, renewing his
efforts for peace, proposed to all the interested powers an
immediate suspension of hostilities and the immediate convocation of
a conference between the great powers, in which Poland would also
participate. Mussolini’s proposals were, without any delay, accepted
by all governments concerned except Great
Britain.8
Before war broke out Britain’s
ambassador to Berlin, Sir Nevil Henderson, on August 30, 1939, said,
in his final report of Germany’s proposed basis for negotiations,
“Those proposals are in general not too unreasonable.”
Even Pierre and Renee Gosset, in their
rabid anti-German book Hitler, declare: “It was a proposal of
extreme moderation. It was in fact an offer that no Allied statesman
could have rejected in good
faith.”9
As early as January 1941, Hitler was
making extraordinary efforts to come to peace terms with England. He
offered England generous terms. He offered, if Britain would assume
an attitude of neutrality, to withdraw from all of France, to leave
Holland and Belgium . . . to evacuate Norway and Den mark, and to
support British and French industries by buying their products. His
proposal had many other favorable points for England and Western
Europe. But England’s officials did not want peace. They wanted war.
Had they not celebrated their declaration of war by laughing, joking
and drinking beer?10
Hitler allowed the British to escape
at Dunkirk.
He did not want to fight England.
German Gen. Blumentritt states why Hitler allowed the British to
escape:
He [Hitler] then astonished us by
speaking with admiration of the British Empire, of the necessity for
its existence, and the civilization that Britain had brought into
the world. He remarked with a shrug of the shoulders, that the
creation of the Empire had been achieved by means that were often
harsh, but “where there is planning there are shavings flying.” He
compared the British Empire with the Catholic Church—saying they
were both essential elements of stability in the world. He said that
all he wanted from Britain was that she should acknowledge Germany’s
position on the continent. The return of Germany’s lost colonies
would be desirable but not essential, and he would even offer to
support Britain with troops if she should be involved in any
difficulties anywhere.11
Blumentritt’s statement is not the
only notice about Hitler’s hope of peace and friendship with
England. The renowned Swedish Explorer Sven Hedin observed Hitler’s
confusion about Britain’s refusal to accept his peace offers: Hitler
“felt he had repeatedly extended the hand of peace and friendship to
the British, and each time they had blacked his eye in reply.”
Hitler said, “The survival of the British Empire is in Germany’s
interests too because if Britain loses India, we gain nothing
thereby.”12 Harry Elmer Barnes says that Hitler lost the
war because he was too good.
While the theory of Hitler’s diabolism
is generally accepted, there are very well informed persons who
contend that he brought himself and Germany to ruin by being too
soft, generous and honorable rather than too tough and ruthless.
They point to the following considerations: he made a genuine and
liberal peace offer to Britain on August 25, 1939; he permitted the
British to escape at Dunkirk to encourage Britain to make peace,
which later on cost him the war in North Africa; he failed to occupy
all of France, take North Africa at once, and split the British
Empire, he lost the Battle of Britain by failing to approve the
savagery of military barbarism which played so large a role in the
Allied victory; he delayed his attack on Russia and offered Molotov
lavish concessions in November 1940 to keep peace between Germany
and Russia; he lost the war with Russia by delaying the invasion in
order to bail Mussolini out of his idiotic attack on Greece; and he
declared war on the United States to keep his pledged word with
Japan which had long before made it clear that it deserved no such
consideration and loyalty from
Hitler.13
David Irving’s descriptive account of
Hitler’s love for Great Britain confirms what others had to say of
Hitler’s desire to do no harm to England:
For 20 years Hitler had dreamed of an
alliance with Britain. Until far into the war he clung to the dream
with all the vain, slightly ridiculous tenacity of a lover unwilling
to admit that his feelings are unrequited. As Hitler told Maj.
Quisling on August 18, 1940: “After making one proposal after
another to the British on the reorganization of Europe, I now find
myself forced against my will to fight this war against Britain. . .
.”
This was the dilemma confronting
Hitler that summer. He hesitated to crush the British. Accordingly,
he could not put his heart into the invasion planning. More
fatefully, Hitler stayed the hand of the Luftwaffe and forbade any
attack on London under pain of court-martial; the all-out saturation
bombing of London, which his strategic advisers Raeder, Jodl, and
Jeschonnek all urged upon him, was vetoed for one implausible reason
after another. Though his staffs were instructed to examine every
peripheral British position—Gibraltar, Egypt, the Suez Canal—for its
vulnerability to attack, the heart of the British Empire was allowed
to beat on, unmolested until it was too late. In these months an
adjutant overheard Hitler heatedly shouting into a Chancellery
telephone, “We have no business to be destroying Britain. We are
quite incapable of taking up her legacy,” meaning the empire; and he
spoke of the “devastating consequences” of the collapse of that
empire.14
Hitler told Undersecretary of State
Sumner Welles, March 2, 1940, (1) that he had long been in favor of
disarmament, but had received no encouragement from England and
France; (2) he was in favor of international free trade; (3) Germany
had no aim other than the return of the “German people to the
territorial position that historically was rightly theirs”; (4) he
had no desire to control non-German people and he had no intention
to interfere with their independence; and (5) he wanted the return
of the colonies that were stolen from Germany at
Versailles.15
Churchill wanted war. Churchill was a
war criminal. Churchill did not want peace. He wanted the war to
continue as long as possible.
In a January 1, 1944, letter to
Stalin, Churchill said: “We never thought of peace, not even in that
year when we were completely isolated and could have made peace
without serious detriment to the British Empire, and extensively at
your cost. Why should we think of it now, when victory approaches
for the three of us?”16 This is a confession even by
Churchill that Hitler never did want war with England.
Churchill in his July 1943 Guildhall
speech stated quite plainly, “We entered the war of our free will,
without ourselves being directly
assaulted.”17
When Churchill was leaving London to
meet Roosevelt for a conference in Quebec late in the summer of
1943, a reporter asked if they were planning to offer peace terms to
Germany. Churchill replied: “Heavens, no. They would accept
immediately.”18 So the war went on from August 1943 until
May 1945—for 22 more months just because peace terms were not
offered.
Churchill wanted England to be in war
with Germany as early as 1936.19
Roosevelt was a war criminal. He
wanted war and he wanted World War II to last as long as possible.
@ @ @
Hitler and the German people did not
want war, but Roosevelt wanted war. He worked for getting World War
II started. He wanted war for political reasons. Jesse Jones, a
member of Roosevelt’s cabinet for five years, states, “Regardless of
his oft-repeated statement, ‘I hate war,’ he was eager to get into
the fighting since that would ensure a third term.”20
While the president repeated he did
not want war and had no intent to send an expeditionary force to
Europe, the militant secretaries of the Navy and of the War
Department, Knox and Stimson, denounced the neutrality legislation
in speeches and public declarations and advocated an American
intervention in the Atlantic Battle. As members of the cabinet they
could not do it without the president’s
consent.21
When the press quoted Frank Knox as
saying: “The only hope for peace for the United States would be the
battering of Germany,” FDR did not rebuke
him.22
Dr. Milton Eisenhower, Gen.
Eisenhower’s brother, said, “President Roosevelt found it necessary
to get the country into World War II to save his social
policies.”23
Clare Booth-Luce shocked many people
by saying at the Republican Party Convention in 1944 that Roosevelt
“has lied us [the U.S.A.] into the war.” However, after this
statement proved to be correct, the Roosevelt followers ceased to
deny it, but praised it by claiming he was “forced to lie” to save
his country and then England and “the
world.”24
Rep. Hamilton Fish made the first speech in
Congress on December 8, 1941, asking for a declaration of war
against Japan. In his book, FDR: The Other Side of the Coin,
Fish says he is ashamed of that speech today and if he had known
what Roosevelt had been doing to provoke Japan to attack, he would
never have asked for a declaration of war.25 Fish said
Roosevelt was the main firebrand to light the fuse of war both in
Europe and the Pacific.26
Roosevelt’s real policy was revealed
when the Germans were able to search through Polish documents and
found in the archives in Warsaw “the dispatches of the Polish
ambassadors in Washington and Paris which laid bare Roosevelt’s
efforts to goad France and Britain into war. In November 1938,
William C. Bullitt, his personal friend and ambassador in Paris, had
indicated to the Poles that the president’s desire was for “Germany
and Russia [to] come to blows, whereupon the democratic nations
would attack Germany and force her into submission”; in the spring
of 1939, Bullitt quoted Roosevelt as being determined “not to
participate in the war from the start, but to be in at the
finish.”27
Oliver Lyttelton, wartime British
production manager, was undeniably correct when he declared,
“America was never truly neutral. There is no doubt where her
sympathies were, and it is a travesty on history ever to say that
the United States was forced into the war. America provoked the
Japanese to such an extent that they were forced to
attack.”28
@ @ @
The Japanese were begging for peace
before the atom bombs were dropped, and MacArthur recommended
negotiation on the basis of the Japanese overtures. But Roosevelt
brushed off this suggestion with the remark: “MacArthur is our
greatest general and our poorest politician.”29 These
statements tell the whole history of World War II from the beginning
to the end, The war was started to keep Roosevelt in office and it
was allowed to go on much longer than necessary—it could have been
over any day from 1943 on. At the same time American boys were
battling to end World War II, leading American politicians were
doing all they could for political reasons to continue the conflict.
Hitler had only one goal with regard
to his relations with other nations. That goal was peace. On May 17,
1933, Hitler addressed the Reichstag about his
intentions:
Germany will be perfectly ready to
disband her entire military establishment and destroy the small
amount of arms remaining to her, if the neighboring countries will
do the same thing with equal thoroughness. Germany is entirely ready
to renounce aggressive weapons of every sort if the armed nations,
on their part, will destroy their aggressive weapons within a
specified period, and if their use is forbidden by an international
convention. Germany is at all times prepared to renounce offensive
weapons if the rest of the world does the same. Germany is prepared
to agree to any solemn pact of non-aggression because she does not
think of attacking anybody but only of acquiring
security.30
None of the “peace loving democracies”
paid any attention to Hitler’s offer. The only reason why King
Edward was not allowed to remain on the British throne was because
he let it be known that as long as he was the king, England would
not go to war with Germany.
Hitler expressed himself about the
results Germany would gain from war: “A European war could be the
end of all our efforts even if we should win, because the
disappearance of the British Empire would be a misfortune which
could not be made up again” (Michael McLaughlin, For Those Who
Cannot Speak, page 10).
Based on the above, Hitler should be
awarded the Nobel Peace Prize posthumously to set things straight.
He was not the cause of World War II and he did not want any war. He
was a man of peace and he worked for peace in every way he could.
ENDNOTES:
1 Day, Donald, Onward Christian Soldiers,
68-9. Donald Day was The Chicago Tribune’s only correspondent
in northeastern Europe before and during World War
II.
2 McLaughlin, Michael, For Those Who Cannot
Speak, 9.
3 Onward Christian Soldiers,
55.
4 The Journal of Historical Review,
winter 1982, 454-5.
5 Fish, Hamilton, FDR: The Other Side of the
Coin, 86.
6 Twilight Over England,
125-6.
7 The Suicide of Europe (memoirs of
Prince Michel Sturdza, former foreign minister of Romania),
1.
8 Ibid., 145.
9 Ibid., 11.
10 McLaughlin, op cit.,
10.
11 Barnes, Harry Elmer, Perpetual War for
Perpetual Peace, 162. The last sentence in the paragraph just
quoted should put an end to any claim that Hitler wanted to capture
the world.
12 Irving, David, Hitler’s War, paperback
edition, Avon History, 236.
13 The Barnes Trilogy, section
“Revisionism and Brainwashing,” 33.
14 Irving, op. cit.,
236.
15 Tansill, Charles Callan, Back Door to
War, 577.
16 Walendy, Udo, The Methods of
Reeducation, 3.
17 Martin, James J., The Saga of Hog
Island, 42.
18 Martin, James J., Revisionist
Viewpoints, 75.
19 Neilson, Francis, The Churchill Legend,
350.
20 Jones, Jesse H., with Edward Angly, Fifty
Billion Dollars: My Thirteen Years with the RFC: 1932-1945, New
York: the Macmillan Company, 1951, 260.
21 Fehrenbach, T.F., F.D.R.’s Undeclared War
1939 to 1941, pages 135, 189.
22 Walendy, Udo, The Methods of
Reeducation, 3.
23 Grieb, Conrad, American Manifest Destiny
and the Holocaust, 124-5.
24 Walendy, op. cit.,
3
25 Ibid., 144.
26 Ibid., 149.
27 Irving, op. cit.,
235.
28 The Saga of Hog Island, op.
cit., 63.
29 Chamberlin, William Henry, America’s Second
Crusade, 219.
30 Neilson, Francis, The Churchill Legend,
278.