By Alex S. Perry Jr.

Poland delivered the first blow, and Hitler announced, “Since dawn today, we are shooting back,” when he spoke to the Reichstag on Sept ember 1, 1939. “Shooting back” is not the statement of an aggressor.2 When Hitler attacked, Donald Day said, Poland got exactly what she deserved. None of Poland’s immediate neighbors felt sorry for her. Poland had conducted a policy of terror. Ethnic Germans living on German soil that had been given to Poland at the end of World War I by the Versailles Peace Treaty had been so mistreated that 2 million left the area for Germany and elsewhere.3 They were driven from what had been their homeland long before World War I. Leon Degrelle, a young Belgian political leader in the 1930s, and who later joined Hitler’s hardest fighting unit, the Waffen SS, with over 400,000 other non-German European volunteers, says, “Of all the crimes of World War II, one never hears about the wholesale massacres that occurred in Poland just before the war. Thousands!
of German men, women and children were massacred in the most horrendous fashion by press-enraged mobs. Hitler decided to halt the slaughter and he rushed to the rescue.”4 Young German boys, when captured by the Poles, were castrated.5

William Joyce, nicknamed Lord Haw Haw by British propaganda, became a German citizen and took up for the German cause. He described the conditions of the Germans who were living in Poland because of the Versailles Treaty:
German men and women were hunted like wild beasts through the streets of Bromberg. When they were caught, they were mutilated and torn to pieces by the Polish mob. . . . Every day the butchery increased. . . . [T]housands of Germans fled from their homes in Poland with nothing more than the clothes that they wore. Moreover, there was no doubt that the Polish army was making plans for the massacre of Danzig. . . . On the nights of August 25 to August 31 inclusive, there occurred, besides innumerable attacks on civilians of German blood, 44 perfectly authenticated acts of armed violence against German official persons and property. These incidents took place either on the border or inside German territory. On the night of [August 31], a band of Polish desperadoes actually occupied the German Broad casting Station at Gleiwitz. Now it was clear that unless German troops marched at once, not a man, woman or child of German blood within the Polish territory could reasonably expect!
to avoid persecution and slaughter.6

Due to Poland’s atrocious acts against the German people, Hitler declared to British Ambassador Sir Nevile Henderson on August 25, 1939: “Poland’s provocations have become intolerable.”7

So Poland delivered the first blow, not Germany. The first blow was important to the United States in its war with Japan. It gave the United States the right and justification to do whatever was necessary to defeat the Japanese. But Germany did not have this right with Poland even after Poland had delivered the first blow. What fair-minded man, if he knew the true facts involved in the Polish situation, could blame Hitler for his retaliatory attack on Poland? Poland, if any nation ever did, deserved exactly what Germany gave her in return. But Hitler did not even want to do what he had to do. No sooner than Hitler began protecting the German people inside Poland, he was ready to stop all hostilities and begin peace negotiations. Prince Sturdza narrates:
Only hours after the outbreak of hostilities between Germany and Poland, Mussolini, renewing his efforts for peace, proposed to all the interested powers an immediate suspension of hostilities and the immediate convocation of a conference between the great powers, in which Poland would also participate. Mussolini’s proposals were, without any delay, accepted by all governments concerned except Great Britain.8

Before war broke out Britain’s ambassador to Berlin, Sir Nevil Henderson, on August 30, 1939, said, in his final report of Germany’s proposed basis for negotiations, “Those proposals are in general not too unreasonable.”

Even Pierre and Renee Gosset, in their rabid anti-German book Hitler, declare: “It was a proposal of extreme moderation. It was in fact an offer that no Allied statesman could have rejected in good faith.”9

As early as January 1941, Hitler was making extraordinary efforts to come to peace terms with England. He offered England generous terms. He offered, if Britain would assume an attitude of neutrality, to withdraw from all of France, to leave Holland and Belgium . . . to evacuate Norway and Den mark, and to support British and French industries by buying their products. His proposal had many other favorable points for England and Western Europe. But England’s officials did not want peace. They wanted war. Had they not celebrated their declaration of war by laughing, joking and drinking beer?10

Hitler allowed the British to escape at Dunkirk.
He did not want to fight England. German Gen. Blumentritt states why Hitler allowed the British to escape:

He [Hitler] then astonished us by speaking with admiration of the British Empire, of the necessity for its existence, and the civilization that Britain had brought into the world. He remarked with a shrug of the shoulders, that the creation of the Empire had been achieved by means that were often harsh, but “where there is planning there are shavings flying.” He compared the British Empire with the Catholic Church—saying they were both essential elements of stability in the world. He said that all he wanted from Britain was that she should acknowledge Germany’s position on the continent. The return of Germany’s lost colonies would be desirable but not essential, and he would even offer to support Britain with troops if she should be involved in any difficulties anywhere.11

Blumentritt’s statement is not the only notice about Hitler’s hope of peace and friendship with England. The renowned Swedish Explorer Sven Hedin observed Hitler’s confusion about Britain’s refusal to accept his peace offers: Hitler “felt he had repeatedly extended the hand of peace and friendship to the British, and each time they had blacked his eye in reply.” Hitler said, “The survival of the British Empire is in Germany’s interests too because if Britain loses India, we gain nothing thereby.”12 Harry Elmer Barnes says that Hitler lost the war because he was too good.

While the theory of Hitler’s diabolism is generally accepted, there are very well informed persons who contend that he brought himself and Germany to ruin by being too soft, generous and honorable rather than too tough and ruthless. They point to the following considerations: he made a genuine and liberal peace offer to Britain on August 25, 1939; he permitted the British to escape at Dunkirk to encourage Britain to make peace, which later on cost him the war in North Africa; he failed to occupy all of France, take North Africa at once, and split the British Empire, he lost the Battle of Britain by failing to approve the savagery of military barbarism which played so large a role in the Allied victory; he delayed his attack on Russia and offered Molotov lavish concessions in November 1940 to keep peace between Germany and Russia; he lost the war with Russia by delaying the invasion in order to bail Mussolini out of his idiotic attack on Greece; and he declared war on the Uni!
ted States to keep his pledged word with Japan which had long before made it clear that it deserved no such consideration and loyalty from Hitler.13

David Irving’s descriptive account of Hitler’s love for Great Britain confirms what others had to say of Hitler’s desire to do no harm to England:

For 20 years Hitler had dreamed of an alliance with Britain. Until far into the war he clung to the dream with all the vain, slightly ridiculous tenacity of a lover unwilling to admit that his feelings are unrequited. As Hitler told Maj. Quisling on August 18, 1940: “After making one proposal after another to the British on the reorganization of Europe, I now find myself forced against my will to fight this war against Britain. . . .”
This was the dilemma confronting Hitler that summer. He hesitated to crush the British. Accordingly, he could not put his heart into the invasion planning. More fatefully, Hitler stayed the hand of the Luftwaffe and forbade any attack on London under pain of court-martial; the all-out saturation bombing of London, which his strategic advisers Raeder, Jodl, and Jeschonnek all urged upon him, was vetoed for one implausible reason after another. Though his staffs were instructed to examine every peripheral British position—Gibraltar, Egypt, the Suez Canal—for its vulnerability to attack, the heart of the British Empire was allowed to beat on, unmolested until it was too late. In these months an adjutant overheard Hitler heatedly shouting into a Chancellery telephone, “We have no business to be destroying Britain. We are quite incapable of taking up her legacy,” meaning the empire; and he spoke of the “devastating consequences” of the collapse of that empire.14

Hitler told Undersecretary of State Sumner Welles, March 2, 1940, (1) that he had long been in favor of disarmament, but had received no encouragement from England and France; (2) he was in favor of international free trade; (3) Germany had no aim other than the return of the “German people to the territorial position that historically was rightly theirs”; (4) he had no desire to control non-German people and he had no intention to interfere with their independence; and (5) he wanted the return of the colonies that were stolen from Germany at Versailles.15

Churchill wanted war. Churchill was a war criminal. Churchill did not want peace. He wanted the war to continue as long as possible.

In a January 1, 1944, letter to Stalin, Churchill said: “We never thought of peace, not even in that year when we were completely isolated and could have made peace without serious detriment to the British Empire, and extensively at your cost. Why should we think of it now, when victory approaches for the three of us?”16 This is a confession even by Churchill that Hitler never did want war with England.
Churchill in his July 1943 Guildhall speech stated quite plainly, “We entered the war of our free will, without ourselves being directly assaulted.”17

When Churchill was leaving London to meet Roosevelt for a conference in Quebec late in the summer of 1943, a reporter asked if they were planning to offer peace terms to Germany. Churchill replied: “Heavens, no. They would accept immediately.”18 So the war went on from August 1943 until May 1945—for 22 more months just because peace terms were not offered.

Churchill wanted England to be in war with Germany as early as 1936.19

Roosevelt was a war criminal. He wanted war and he wanted World War II to last as long as possible.
@ @ @
Hitler and the German people did not want war, but Roosevelt wanted war. He worked for getting World War II started. He wanted war for political reasons. Jesse Jones, a member of Roosevelt’s cabinet for five years, states, “Regardless of his oft-repeated statement, ‘I hate war,’ he was eager to get into the fighting since that would ensure a third term.”20
While the president repeated he did not want war and had no intent to send an expeditionary force to Europe, the militant secretaries of the Navy and of the War Department, Knox and Stimson, denounced the neutrality legislation in speeches and public declarations and advocated an American intervention in the Atlantic Battle. As members of the cabinet they could not do it without the president’s consent.21
When the press quoted Frank Knox as saying: “The only hope for peace for the United States would be the battering of Germany,” FDR did not rebuke him.22

Dr. Milton Eisenhower, Gen. Eisenhower’s brother, said, “President Roosevelt found it necessary to get the country into World War II to save his social policies.”23
Clare Booth-Luce shocked many people by saying at the Republican Party Convention in 1944 that Roosevelt “has lied us [the U.S.A.] into the war.” However, after this statement proved to be correct, the Roosevelt followers ceased to deny it, but praised it by claiming he was “forced to lie” to save his country and then England and “the world.”24

Rep. Hamilton Fish made the first speech in Congress on December 8, 1941, asking for a declaration of war against Japan. In his book, FDR: The Other Side of the Coin, Fish says he is ashamed of that speech today and if he had known what Roosevelt had been doing to provoke Japan to attack, he would never have asked for a declaration of war.25 Fish said Roosevelt was the main firebrand to light the fuse of war both in Europe and the Pacific.26

Roosevelt’s real policy was revealed when the Germans were able to search through Polish documents and found in the archives in Warsaw “the dispatches of the Polish ambassadors in Washington and Paris which laid bare Roosevelt’s efforts to goad France and Britain into war. In November 1938, William C. Bullitt, his personal friend and ambassador in Paris, had indicated to the Poles that the president’s desire was for “Germany and Russia [to] come to blows, whereupon the democratic nations would attack Germany and force her into submission”; in the spring of 1939, Bullitt quoted Roosevelt as being determined “not to participate in the war from the start, but to be in at the finish.”27

Oliver Lyttelton, wartime British production manager, was undeniably correct when he declared, “America was never truly neutral. There is no doubt where her sympathies were, and it is a travesty on history ever to say that the United States was forced into the war. America provoked the Japanese to such an extent that they were forced to attack.”28
@ @ @
The Japanese were begging for peace before the atom bombs were dropped, and MacArthur recommended negotiation on the basis of the Japanese overtures. But Roosevelt brushed off this suggestion with the remark: “MacArthur is our greatest general and our poorest politician.”29 These statements tell the whole history of World War II from the beginning to the end, The war was started to keep Roosevelt in office and it was allowed to go on much longer than necessary—it could have been over any day from 1943 on. At the same time American boys were battling to end World War II, leading American politicians were doing all they could for political reasons to continue the conflict.

Hitler had only one goal with regard to his relations with other nations. That goal was peace. On May 17, 1933, Hitler addressed the Reichstag about his intentions:

Germany will be perfectly ready to disband her entire military establishment and destroy the small amount of arms remaining to her, if the neighboring countries will do the same thing with equal thoroughness. Germany is entirely ready to renounce aggressive weapons of every sort if the armed nations, on their part, will destroy their aggressive weapons within a specified period, and if their use is forbidden by an international convention. Germany is at all times prepared to renounce offensive weapons if the rest of the world does the same. Germany is prepared to agree to any solemn pact of non-aggression because she does not think of attacking anybody but only of acquiring security.30

None of the “peace loving democracies” paid any attention to Hitler’s offer. The only reason why King Edward was not allowed to remain on the British throne was because he let it be known that as long as he was the king, England would not go to war with Germany.

Hitler expressed himself about the results Germany would gain from war: “A European war could be the end of all our efforts even if we should win, because the disappearance of the British Empire would be a misfortune which could not be made up again” (Michael McLaughlin, For Those Who Cannot Speak, page 10).

Based on the above, Hitler should be awarded the Nobel Peace Prize posthumously to set things straight. He was not the cause of World War II and he did not want any war. He was a man of peace and he worked for peace in every way he could.

ENDNOTES:

1 Day, Donald, Onward Christian Soldiers, 68-9. Donald Day was The Chicago Tribune’s only correspondent in northeastern Europe before and during World War II.
2 McLaughlin, Michael, For Those Who Cannot Speak, 9.
3Onward Christian Soldiers, 55.
4The Journal of Historical Review, winter 1982, 454-5.
5 Fish, Hamilton, FDR: The Other Side of the Coin, 86.
6Twilight Over England, 125-6.
7The Suicide of Europe (memoirs of Prince Michel Sturdza, former foreign minister of Romania), 1.
8Ibid., 145.
9Ibid., 11.
10 McLaughlin,op cit., 10.
11 Barnes, Harry Elmer, Perpetual War for Perpetual Peace, 162. The last sentence in the paragraph just quoted should put an end to any claim that Hitler wanted to capture the world.
12 Irving, David, Hitler’s War, paperback edition, Avon History, 236.
13The Barnes Trilogy, section “Revisionism and Brainwashing,” 33.
14 Irving, op. cit., 236.
15 Tansill, Charles Callan, Back Door to War, 577.
16 Walendy, Udo, The Methods of Reeducation, 3.
17 Martin, James J., The Saga of Hog Island, 42.
18 Martin, James J., Revisionist Viewpoints, 75.
19 Neilson, Francis, The Churchill Legend, 350.
20 Jones, Jesse H., with Edward Angly, Fifty Billion Dollars: My Thirteen Years with the RFC: 1932-1945, New York: the Macmillan Company, 1951, 260.
21 Fehrenbach, T.F., F.D.R.’s Undeclared War 1939 to 1941, pages 135, 189.
22 Walendy, Udo, The Methods of Reeducation, 3.
23 Grieb, Conrad, American Manifest Destiny and the Holocaust, 124-5.
24 Walendy, op. cit., 3
25Ibid., 144.
26Ibid., 149.
27 Irving, op. cit., 235.
28The Saga of Hog Island, op. cit., 63.
29 Chamberlin, William Henry, America’s Second Crusade, 219.
30 Neilson, Francis, The Churchill Legend, 278.

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