"We knew well in advance that the Japanese were
going to attack. It was a lie that we didn't have direct radio
communication with Washington DC." --Lt. Col. Clifford M.
The opening line to a rare 1975 document
entitled, The Skeleton in Uncle Sam's Closet reads, "I am Hartford Van
Dyke, a Non Union lawyer. I have become sensitive to political situations
because my family was involuntarily involved in the treasonous murder of
4000 men1 at Pearl Harbor, December 7,
1941. My relatives knew it was going to happen beforehand."
In a letter to Paranoia dated December 17, 2003,
Hartford Van Dyke provided a history of the publication of this important
document, writing, "In about October 1967, I asked my father about a vague
memory of something I had heard him say about an aircraft being shot down
in our neighborhood in Honolulu. As he told me about the
Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor on
December 7, 1941, he broke down in grief. I don't recall ever seeing my
father cry before that incident."
Hartford's father, Lyle Hartford Van Dyke,
Sr., had promised his uncle, Gerald Mason Van Dyke, that he would not
publish anything about the Pearl Harbor
incident until after Mason's death. Hartford obeyed his father's wishes for two years, he
writes, but the Mi Lai massacre in Vietnam and government lies about it
pressed him to publish the truth about Pearl
Harbor. In 1970, Hartford
mailed a copy of his first work on the Pearl Harbor story to every
U.S. senator and congressman -
535 copies in all.
As Hartford tells the story, he included his
father in that mailing and phoned him for a criticism of the text. He
connected a tape recorder to the telephone line and "got a tape recording
for posterity about the real history of the Pearl
Harbor attack." He sent out a second print run to Congress,
House and Senate, another 535 copies. He also recorded conversations with
people his father had mentioned, and sent the cassettes through the mail.
He was on a mission to tell the world what really happened at Pearl Harbor. Would the world listen?
In October 1972, Hartford received a copy of the book None
Dare Call It Conspiracy by Gary Allen. This book, he states, inspired him
to write his own book about Pearl Harbor.
Completed in August 1973, he again sent a copy of his final book, The
Skeleton in Uncle Sam's Closet (hereafter, Skeleton), to every
US senator and congressman. In
1975, he printed a newspaper edition, which is the edition being quoted
Van Dyke's Pearl
The Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, writes Van
Dyke, was instigated by the U.S., Britain and Holland, when they cut off all shipping into and out
of Japan, threatening its people
with starvation. Hartford's great uncle,
Gerald Mason Van Dyke, was an Army Intelligence officer in Hawaii at the time
of the attack.
According to Skeleton, Mason Van Dyke had
foreknowledge of the Pearl Harbor attack and sent his warning to
Washington DC at 2:00 p.m. on December 4, 1941. His
message was received in Washington at about 7:00 p.m. (due to
the time difference) by Rear Admiral, Paulus
Prince Powell. As Van Dyke tells the story, Powell notified Secretary of
the Navy, Frank Knox, who then contacted Secretary of War, Henry Stimson.
Stimson contacted President Roosevelt, and Roosevelt reported to Naval
Intelligence in Washington.
As Skeleton claims, Secretary of the Navy, Frank
Knox, wanted to move the Navy out and set up a defense perimeter around
the islands. James Vincent Forrestal, Undersecretary of the Navy, also
wanted to act defensively. According to Skeleton, what happened next is a
claim that has never been made before (to my knowledge). President
Roosevelt put Powell, Knox and Forrestal under armed Marine guard until
after the Pearl Harbor attack. He sent a
message to Lt. Col. Clifford M. Andrew, Intelligence officer at Army
Intelligence in Hawaii, which read: "The Japanese will
attack, do not prepare defenses, we need the full support of the American
Nation in a war time effort by an unprovoked attack upon the
A Distinguished Gentleman
Van Dyke Sr. testifies in Skeleton that at a
political conference about twenty years after the event (date not
written), he sat beside "a distinguished gentleman" with whom he began a
discussion of his experience in Honolulu
during the Pearl Harbor attack. He
testifies: "This gentleman acted very interested in what I had to say and
started to question me about the details." Finally, he said, "Mr. Van
Dyke, do you know who I am?" He pulled out his personal card and said, "I
am Admiral Paulus P. Powell, United States Army
Retired. Do you know what I did during World War II?"
Powell then divulged that he was the one who had
received Mason Van Dyke's message at the Naval Intelligence office in
Washington. He asked, "Would you like to
know what happened in Washington DC when your uncle's message was
received by my office?" Van Dyke Sr. replied that he had not "heard a
logical explanation in the last nineteen years."
Van Dyke Sr. claims, "I was utterly amazed at
the remarks he made about President Roosevelt being responsible for the
Pearl Harbor attack; about Roosevelt
making Admiral Kimmel and General Short scapegoats so that he [Roosevelt]
would come out looking like a hero." Admiral Powell said, "Mr. Van Dyke,
when I die it will be the most pleasant thing that has happened to me
because I have died thousands of times, especially when I think of all the
officers and enlisted men, many of them my personal friends, being killed,
and I could not do a thing to save their lives."
According to Skeleton, Admiral Powell stated,
"Here I was on Saturday morning, Washington time. I grieved; you don't
know how I grieved. And yet I couldn't do anything because I was under
guard." He revealed, "If I had ever sent a message to Pearl Harbor, I would have been shot on the spot."
Powell declared it was one of the most treacherous acts committed by any
president. Indeed, he added, "It was one of the most dastardly things any
president or king has ever done in the history of the world. And there's
no way to keep it from happening again."
On Friday evening at about 5:00 p.m., December
5, Mason Van Dyke warned his nephew that the Japanese would attack, most
probably on Sunday. He told him the Intelligence Department in Washington had been warned, but America
would stand down. Hartford's father prepared his family for
the attack as best he could.
Forty Top Secret File Cabinets
writes in Skeleton, in 1949 James Vincent Forrestal's knowledge became a
threat to those in power, and he was thrown out of a seventh floor window
of a Bethesda hospital. Less well known, on
May 15, 1966, Lt. Col. Clifford M. Andrew, who had received FDR's stand
down order at Military Intelligence in Hawaii, was murdered in his home in Tigard, Oregon, by a bullet in the back of the
Roger A. Stolley
worked in a civilian capacity for Clifford Andrew. Stolley testifies in Skeleton that, "A limited number
of personnel were directly involved with the events behind the Pearl Harbor incident. Information directly
concerned with the attack was labeled TOP SECRET, held in approximately
forty file cabinets of the Army Intelligence Office." The file cabinets,
which were situated in Honolulu, he writes, was taken out and burned - another claim not made
elsewhere (to my knowledge). All personnel with knowledge of them were
subject to military court martial if they revealed their
Stolley further testifies that Lt. Col.
Clifford Andrew confided in him, on several occasions, part of the
contents of those files. Stolley paraphrases
Andrew's words, "We knew well in advance that the Japanese were going to
attack. It was a lie that we didn't have direct radio communication with
Washington DC. Not only did my office have direct
radio communications, but so did the territorial government and the FBI."
Stolley concludes, "The responsibility for Pearl
Harbor rests upon five men: Franklin D. Roosevelt; Gen. George C.
Marshall; Harold R. Stark (Chief of Naval Operations); Lt. Col. Kindall J. Fielder, G-2, under General Short; and
Clifford M. Andrew." The extract is signed and witnessed by Roger A. Stolley, dated May 25, 1975.
In a 1992 article in the Journal for Historical
Review ("Pearl Harbor Attack No Surprise"), Stolley reiterated the information given to him by
Clifford Andrew: "We knew well in advance that the Japanese were going to
attack. At least nine months before the Japanese attack upon Pearl Harbor, I was assigned to prepare for it."
Andrew claimed he was under direct orders of President Roosevelt. He also
claimed he was ordered to withhold from commanders in Hawaii vital
intelligence relating to the location of the Japanese fleet. Stolley concludes: "Pearl
Harbor is an example of how a small group of men in control of
government has the power to destroy the life, property and freedom of its
The Infamous Seaman Z
Many of the first- and second-hand witness
statements contained in Skeleton can be supported by sources published
decades later, which rely on many more witness testimonies. In fact, while
most books on Pearl Harbor purposely
avoid the above conclusions, at least two crucial books buttress its
In his 1986 book, Infamy: Pearl Harbor and its
Aftermath, Pulitzer Prize-winning historian, John Toland, reveals a letter from Col. Carlton Ketchum,
who informed Toland that warnings from various
sources began in early fall of 1941. The sources of these warnings
included the Dutch Embassy, Dutch Secret Service and British Secret
Service. Indeed, Roosevelt had received a warning from "some government
agency in Japan, I cannot recall who that was." Ketchum claimed the warnings were passed
on to "Secretary Knox, and I think Secretary
Stimson," but was sure they were not passed on to commanders in the
Pacific. He added, Hoover was told by
Roosevelt not to pass on the information
to the FBI or to their men stationed in the Pacific. (Toland, 343)
At an October 1990 Institute for Historical
Review conference (ihr.org), Toland stated that
Stolley's testimony (in "Pearl Harbor Attack No
Surprise") rings true. Toland relayed a personal
story at this conference. He stated that after writing, The Rising Sun, he
received many letters from naval officers who informed him that Roosevelt
did know the Japanese were moving in to attack Pearl
Harbor. In fact, Toland received so
many letters that he began work on Infamy in order to correct the
After a two-year search for witnesses, Toland located a Dutch admiral named Ranneft, who in 1941 had been a captain serving as the
Dutch naval attaché. Ranneft wrote that he was
frequently allowed into the Naval Intelligence Office in San Francisco. On
December 3, he went into the office and was informed that they had tracked
the locations of two Japanese carriers from their radio emissions. When he
returned on the 6th and asked where the carriers were, a man went up to
the chart and "pointed to an area two hundred miles from Pearl Harbor."
As the story goes, Toland discovered the identity of the man who had
located the Japanese fleet in the Pacific. This man did not want to
disclose his name because he was marrying a fabulously wealthy California woman,
so Toland referred to him as "Seaman Z." When
Infamy was published in 1986, the Washington Post, true to form, claimed
Toland had invented Seaman Z. About a year
later, this witness went public and confirmed the information, but the
media did not respond. The man's name is revealed as Robert Ogg in a crucial 2001 book, Day of Deceit. While on
assignment in San
Francisco, Ogg confirms,
he began to plot the location of the Japanese fleet on a chart of the
North Pacific on or about November 30, 1941.
This claim contradicts the sanctioned version of
history, which declares that, "Nagumo's task
force sailed from the Kuriles on 26 November and
arrived, undetected by the Americans, at a point about 200 miles north of
Oahu at 0600 hours (Hawaiian time) on
December 7, 1941." (www.worldwar2history.info/Pearl-Harbor/)
The Purple Machine
Hartford Van Dyke has been trying to tell the
world about Pearl Harbor for more than 35
years. He was undeniably vindicated in 2001 with Robert Stinnett's
bombshell book, Day Of Deceit: The Truth About FDR and Pearl Harbor, which is based on documents from the
National Archives as well as Naval Intelligence files acquired through
persistent FOIA requests beginning in 1983. The Navy finally declassified
these records in 1994. Day of Deceit provides overwhelming evidence that
FDR and about thirty members of his administration knew well in advance
that Japanese warships were heading toward Hawaii. In fact, Stinnett uncovered a
Naval Intelligence memo, dated October 1940, which outlined eight steps to
provoke such an attack.
For the past sixty years, a majority of
historians have put forth the deception that the Japanese maintained
strict radio silence on their war path to Pearl
Harbor. Even as late as 1999, historian Stephen Ambrose echoed
the official line in a Wall Street Journal editorial saying, "American
intelligence was terrible." Stinnett exposes the transparency of this
fabrication, writing, "After sixty years it is clear that the US Navy, the
Army, and the press were all wrong. Overwhelming evidence [from the
National Archives] proves that Yamamoto, as well as commanders of the Task
Force warships, broke radio silence and that their ships were located by
American communication intelligence units." (Stinnett, 162)
The radio stealth exhibited by the Japanese is
consistently overstated in official accounts. The truth is, "[t]here was
no escaping the electronic surveillance." Beginning on April 22, 1941,
Stinnett reveals, "Six US Navy monitor stations from Dutch Harbor, Alaska, Samoa,
Hawaii, Corregidor and two from San Francisco
followed every move of Nagumo and theAkagi." (Stinnett, 262)
In a deep underground Army/Navy base known as
Corregidor, situated west of Manila, Japanese kata kana message codes were intercepted by 63
operators working round the clock in eight-hour shifts. Navy analysts
unscrambled the complex codes. "We had the Purple machine and the means to
intercept, decode and translate messages," stated one radio operator.
"Since we were so near to Japan and its naval operation
area we were in an excellent position to intercept radio broadcasts."
These dispatches should have been sent to
Admiral Kimmel, the commander in Hawaii who would have been able to
avert, or at least minimize, the tragedy. However, the unscrambled
messages never made it to their proper destination in order to save
American lives at Pearl Harbor, simply
because saving the lives of American servicemen was not the name of the
game. The name of the game was more succinctly stated by Lt. Com. Joseph
Rochefort when he proclaimed, "It was a pretty
cheap price to pay for unifying the country." (Stinnett,
This was likely the mad logic bestowed upon
distinguished representatives of the American press when they were invited
to a "secret press briefing" at 10:15 a.m. on November 15, 1941, where
Gen. George C. Marshall revealed one of America's most vital secrets: the
U.S. could read
Japan's coded radio messages.
Inconceivably, Marshall did not request the
presence of General Short or Admiral Kimmel, the two officers in charge of
naval operations in Hawaii, nor did he give them a separate
Instead, according to Marshall's own papers, the
General called seven news correspondents to his office in the Munitions
Building in Washington, and forthwith provided an exit opportunity to
anyone unwilling to button his lips over the information he was about to
reveal. Stinnett, who remains flummoxed as to the reason for the meeting,
writes: "Though the function of the press is to publicize, none left. They
kept Marshall's secret from their readers,
who included many of the officers and sailors manning the warships on
Pearl Harbor's Battleship Row."
Now we find out why the major media has
obstructed the truth about Pearl Harbor
for the past sixty years. As Stinnett discloses, four news media and three
major wire services were "let in on secrets denied to General Short and
Admiral Kimmel." No radio news reporters were invited to the secret
conference, where the print news media learned that the Japanese would
attack some time in the first ten days of December. The select members of
the media who were present and who complied with the secrecy rule were:
Robert Sherrod, Time; Ernest Lindley, Newsweek; Charles Hurd, New York Times; Bert Andrews, New York Herald
Tribune; Lyle Wilson, United Press; Edward Bomar, Associated Press; and Harold Slater,
International News Service. (Stinnett, 361) (Note, Simon & Schuster hides this bombshell in the back
of the book among copious endnotes in tiny font.)
Stinnett suspects the messages containing this
time-sensitive information were intercepted between November 5 and
November 13, 1941, in time for the General's unfathomable leak to the
media. In 1979, President Jimmy Carter released to the National Archives a
small portion of the messages sent between September 3 and December 8,
1941. However, as of 2001 an estimated 143,000 Japanese messages remained
"cloaked in American censorship" in spite of many FOIA
In fact, Stinnett reveals that Naval
Intelligence had cracked the Japanese codes as early as fall of 1940,
fifteen months before the attack. He also reveals that Admiral Nagumo's first radio broadcast was intercepted on
April 22, 1941, eight months before the attack. (Stinnett, 362) He
concludes, "A systematic plan had been in place long before Pearl Harbor
to arouse the United
States from its isolationist position."
(Stinnett, 259) This corroborates Clifford Andrew's claim in Skeleton that
he had been assigned to "prepare for the attack" at least nine months
Inexplicably, it was not until November 25,
according to the diary of Secretary of War, Henry Stimson, that FDR
announced to his War Cabinet that "an attack was expected perhaps as soon
as next Monday (December 1)." With great American ingenuity, radio
interceptors and analysts deciphered an obscure secret language, and
assumed their dire warnings would travel up the proper command route;
however, Washington war mongers chose to keep it
from the one person with an unequivocal need to know: Admiral Kimmel.
Indeed, writes Stinnett, "None of the nine Pearl
Harbor investigations examined the TESTM dispatches or
questioned why their crucial data were cut from Kimmel's intelligence
loop." He traces Kimmel's severance from the intelligence loop to
"numerous directives issued from Washington." (Stinnett,
On November 25, 1941, a full ten days after the
press was secretly briefed, Admiral Kimmel finally received a briefing to
the effect that a massive Japanese force of fleet subs and long-range
patrol aircraft would reach Hawaii in the beginning of December.
Kimmel received explicit orders on November 28 from Admiral Stark stating,
"Undertake no offensive action until Japan has
committed an overt act." Because he followed these orders he would later
take most of the blame.
Stinnett proves that both Pacific Fleet
commanders, Admiral Kimmel and Lt. Gen. Walter Short, were purposely kept
in the dark and were later blamed for "failing to anticipate" the attack.
In 1999, the Senate finally exonerated Kimmel and Short of charges of
"dereliction of duty." However, throughout nine official investigations of
Pearl Harbor over a span of nearly sixty
years, no radio broadcasts were ever brought forward. Even Congressional
hearings had not the luxury of these documents.
Two weeks after Pearl
Harbor, Stinnett shows, the Navy classified all documents TOP
SECRET. All radio operators and cryptographers were gagged on threat of
imprisonment and loss of all benefits. Navy Director of Communications,
Rear Admiral Leigh Noyes, sent a memo ordering all commanders to "destroy
all notes or anything in writing." (Stinnett, 256) This backs up
Skeleton's assertion that Army Intelligence in Honolulu burned
forty file cabinets full of documents.
In addition, Stinnett tells of a crucial 15-hour
time delay where no action was taken. In a 1944 Army investigation, he
notes, "Three Army generals determined that the delay began Saturday
night, December 6, and ended at 11:00 the next morning." (Stinnett, 235)
Coincidentally, John Toland asks in Infamy, "Was
it to be believed that the heads of the Army and Navy could not be located
on the night before Pearl Harbor? Or that
they would later testify over and over that they couldn't remember where
they were?" (Toland, 335) According to Toland, the cover-up began the very morning after,
when General Marshall said, "Gentlemen, this goes to the grave with
Could this curious lapse of time and memory
cloak a still tightly fortified secret, described in Skeleton, that any
military commanders in Washington who had
the presence of mind to alert Hawaii were put under military house
arrest from Saturday morning "until after the blitz"? I have been unable
to verify this extraordinary claim, but under the circumstances of this
vast sixty-year conspiracy and cover-up, it isn't as preposterous as it
might seem. Indeed, it might explain the astonishingly persistent
suppression of Pearl Harbor documents,
which continued up to Janet Reno's administration in 1994 - an invisible
wall that Robert Stinnett ran into again and again while researching his
When all the (available) facts are studied, the
conclusion is palpable: Pearl Harbor was
a planned event that opened wide the path leading to the deaths of
millions of people. The United
States taunted Japan into
a World War that led to the first and only nuclear bombing of a sovereign
country and its people.
Harbor is a case study of an archetypal conspiracy and
cover-up for those naïve enough to think it can't happen because there are
too many people involved. This is how it's done. Here is the
The Ghost of Pearl
Hartford Van Dyke warns prophetically in
Skeleton: "Every phase of deception and maneuvering which was used by the
US government in order
to engineer and guarantee the Japanese 'surprise' attack on Pearl Harbor is still being used in full force by
the government today. Present national and international events make this
crystal clear. Observe the actions of the president, and the content and
control of the United Nations Charter."
writes, the Roosevelt administration used the "back door" of
Japan to enter a world war. The
attack, and Roosevelt's "Day of Infamy"
address, "jolted the American people to the proper frame of mind to accept
war, commit to it, and make the long sacrifice to pursue its successful
conclusion." This scenario should be familiar to us today as George Bush
and the government-controlled media refer to the terror attacks of
September 11 as the "New Pearl Harbor." Now that we know Pearl Harbor was an experiment in
government/military censorship, does this not illuminate the dark shadows
surrounding the events of 9/11? Did the Bush administration have clear
foreknowledge of the attacks? Was it Bush's "back door" to
US occupation of the
Middle East? Was the intent of 9/11 to
lead us into World War III?
writes in Skeleton, "Every year like a ghost, Pearl
Harbor intrudes upon us again and haunts us. The story is
repeated because everybody knows the whole story was never told." The
truth about Pearl Harbor is a public
possession, he declares. Yet, over sixty years later the public still does
not have adequate possession of the truth. Thus, the association of 9/11 with the annual phantom of Pearl Harbor puts the 'wink' in hoodwink. Not
only are we being controlled, but we're being taunted with that
After working tirelessly to collect and
disseminate the testimony in Skeleton in Uncle Sam's Closet, Hartford began work
on another prescient document, completed in May 1979, entitled 'Silent
Weapons for Quiet Wars.'
This infamous tract begins: "This publication
marks the 25th anniversary of the Third World War, called the 'Quiet War,'
being conducted using subjective biological warfare, fought with 'silent
weapons.' This book contains an introductory description of this war, its
strategies, and its weaponry." In his anonymously written document,
Hartford Van Dyke explained:
Social engineering (the analysis and automation
of a society) requires the correlation of great amounts of constantly
changing economic information (data), so a high-speed computerized
data-processing system was necessary which could race ahead of the society
and predict when society would arrive for capitulation.
In the interest of future world order, peace and
tranquility, it was decided to privately wage a quiet war against the
American public with an ultimate objective of permanently shifting the
natural and social energy (wealth) of the undisciplined and irresponsible
many into the hands of the self-disciplined, responsible, and worthy few.
In order to implement this objective, it was necessary to create, secure,
and apply new weapons, which were a class of weapons so subtle and
sophisticated in their principle of operation and public appearance as to
earn for themselves the name 'silent weapons.'
Hartford Van Dyke is now in federal
prison in Waseca,
Minnesota. Many readers of his letters (at
www.paranoiamagazine.com) want to know why. Hartford's situation is not easy to
comprehend, but I will try to explain as succinctly as possible. (See
detailed explanation "The Commercial Principles Governing the Engineering
of Public Wealth Rebate Banks, a.k.a. Robin Hood Banks," posted at
Hartford got into trouble by circulating
something called Public Wealth Rebate Notes (PWRN's). Hartford insists his issuance of PWRNs was lawful. As he explains, "Public Wealth
Rebate Banks engage in the lawful altruistic/charitable disbursement of
public malpractice default judgments to the Public, by generating a
Commercial Lien Assignment Currency known as Public Wealth Rebate Notes,
establishing thereby a lawful method for the Public to lay claim to the
real and moveable property of the Lien Debtor party(ies). A Public Wealth
Rebate Note is a Reversed Party Promissory Note, a Demand Note made by a
creditor or claimant against a debtor based on the Debtor's promise to pay
or to perform."
Hartford further claims that his case was
filed in the U.S. District Court - an administrative, not criminal, court.
The case was set as "United States of America vs.
Hartford Van Dyke." He explains that the term "United States of
America" is a legal fiction. Since it's
not a flesh and blood person, it can neither accuse nor bring a criminal
case. It has to be brought ex rel.(ex relation), he explains, which is the relation of a
person telling the story to the prosecuting attorney. The accuser's name
must appear under the United States of America, he
explains, otherwise the case is a fraud.
It is safe to presume that Hartford Van Dyke is
a political prisoner. He's in federal prison in Minnesota for an
attitude adjustment. His insistence on abiding by commercial law
infuriates insider lawyers and judges. His political knowledge threatens
the shadow government. In the winter of 2004, he was placed in solitary
confinement in a cold stone cell with a ration of two blankets. He
shivered uncontrollably. His weight dropped to 127 pounds. He padded his
blankets with a layer of toilet paper. His letters tell of being covered
with rashes and boils, which he attributes to toxins placed in his food.
His treatment can only be described as torture.
Why is a non-violent individual treated in this
manner in the American prison system? How many political prisoners is the
States holding in its torture chambers?
Please keep Hartford in your
prayers and call attention to his plight in whatever way you
1. Stinnett lists the Pearl
Harbor death toll at 2,476; wounded: 1,119; POWs: 1,951 (many
of whom died in Japanese custody).
Hartford Van Dyke. The Skeleton in Uncle
Sam's Closet. Newspaper reprint edition, 1975.
John Toland. Infamy:
Pearl Harbor and its Aftermath. Berkeley.
John Toland, "Living
History," Tenth International Revisionist Conference, October 1990.
Robert Stinnett. Day Of Deceit: The Truth About
FDR and Pearl Harbor. Simon &
Stinnett speech "Pearl
Harbor: Official Lies in an American War Tragedy?" May 24,
Roger A. Stolley.
"Pearl Harbor Attack No Surprise."
Journal of Historical Review, 1992.
Hartford Van Dyke's 'Silent Weapons For Quiet
Wars' may be read at: www.lawfulpath.com/ref/sw4qw/index.shtml. There are
several versions online, but this appears to be the only one that contains
the original schematic diagrams.
See www.paranoiamagazine.com, for Hartford's "Letters
from the Federal Pen."
Also these articles;
The Bones Of "Station H"
The Smoking Gun Of Pearl
Harbor - The Mother Of All Conspiracies
FREE HARTFORD VAN DYKE!
The Skeleton in Uncle Sam's
Newspaper reprint edition, 1975 is available
from Paranoia, P. O. Box
1041, Providence, RI 02901. $12, postage included.
(limited supply, available by check, money order
or via paypal at www.paranoiamagazine.com.) This
money goes directly to Hartford Van Dyke, through his family, for his care
in federal prison. For three copies or more, you may reduce the price to